Site menu:

 

June 2014 - Volume 19, Number 2

   

Click Here for a pdf version.

   

 

Calvin Coolidge and the Spirit of the Constitution

by John Hendrickson

In his Autobiography, Calvin Coolidge described an early memory of his education which led to his interest in the Constitution. Coolidge wrote:

 

For some reason I was attracted to civil government and took that. This was my first introduction to the Constitution of the United States. Although I was but thirteen years old the subject interested me exceedingly. The study of it which I then began has never ceased, and the more I study it the more I have come to admire it, realizing that no other document devised by the hand of man ever brought so much progress and happiness to humanity.[1]

 

During the decade of the 1920s, or what became known as the Republican Ascendancy, a conservative direction descended on American politics. In the presidential election of 1920 the electorate rejected the progressive philosophy of President Woodrow Wilson and elected Ohio Senator Warren G. Harding as President. The Harding administration initiated a period of constitutional conservatism which battled against the progressive philosophy of the administrative state and the “living” Constitution.

 

Political historian Morton Keller adequately described the conservative belief toward the Constitution as “a veritable cult of Constitution worship.”[2] President Warren G. Harding, Vice President and later President Calvin Coolidge, Chief Justice William Howard Taft, President Herbert Hoover, among others all fit into this mold of upholding and applying the Constitution to public policy.

 

Constitutional historian Melvin I. Urofsky described the 1920s “as a battleground between traditionalists fearful of the new ways and modernists eager to shed the shackles of older ideas and practices.”[3] At the center of this battle was the Constitution and whether the Constitution was a document that limited the role of government or evolved and changed to meet the challenges of the 20th century by giving the federal government more power.

 

It was in this debate that Calvin Coolidge became a central player defending the Constitution, limited government, and economic liberty against the progressive impulse to create a stronger federal government through an activist administrative state as promoted by former Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.

 

The Constitution was a guide for Coolidge and his administration. “It is a fundamental principle of our country that the people are sovereign. While they recognize the undeniable authority of the state, they have established as its instrument a Government of limited powers,” argued Coolidge.[4] His policies reflected this philosophy. Whether it was spending and tax reduction, defending property rights, tariff policy, immigration, foreign policy, among other areas, Coolidge reflected a constitutional approach to public policy. As historian Paul Moreno wrote, “as President, he [Coolidge] often observed that demands for unconstitutional federal laws arose from the states’ failure to act…”[5] In fact some scholars have argued that he was “America’s last constitutional President.”[6]

 

Coolidge also understood that the principles of the American Founding — both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution — do not change or alter from decade to decade as the progressives argued. As Coolidge stated:

 

It is often asserted that the world has made a great deal of progress since 1776, that we have had new thoughts and experiences which have given us a great advance over the people of that day, and that we may therefore very well discard their conclusions for something more modern. But that reasoning cannot be applied to this great charter. If all men are created equal, that is final. If they are endowed with inalienable rights, that is final. If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, that is final. No advance, no progress can be made beyond these propositions.[7]

 

Just as with the Founders, Coolidge also believed that in order for the Constitution and self-government to survive the people had to be vigilant in their preservation and knowledgeable about American history and institutions. Coolidge argued that “to support the Constitution, to observe the laws, is to be true to our own higher nature. That is the path, and the only path, towards liberty. To resist them and violate them is to become enemies to ourselves and instruments of our own destruction.”[8]

 

In writing the foreword to James M. Beck’s The Constitution of the United States, Coolidge wrote that “it is of first importance that the study of the Constitution should be an essential part of the education of the American youth.”[9] He also warned that “the Constitution is not self-perpetuating:”[10]

 

If it is to survive, it will be because it has public support…The Constitution of the United States is the final refuge of every right that is enjoyed by any American. So long as it is observed, those rights will be secure. Whenever it falls into disrespect or disrepute, the end of orderly organized government, as we have known it for more than one hundred and twenty-five years, will be at hand. The Constitution represents a government of law. There is only one other form of authority, and that is a government of force. Americans must make their choice between these two. One signifies justice and liberty; the other tyranny and oppression. To live under the American Constitution is the greatest political privilege that was ever accorded to the human race.[11]

 

Historian John Van Til wrote that Coolidge’s “thought life had two principal features,” which centered on a Christian worldview and a “deep devotion to the Founding Fathers and their achievements in creating the American System, its substance being on display in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.”[12]

 

These were the values that made Coolidge’s presidency not only a success, but an example for policymakers to follow today. Calvin Coolidge’s commitment to the Constitution and the principles of the American Founding is also a vital lesson and warning for the nation to take to heart in our current era.

 

Endnotes:

[1] Calvin Coolidge, The Autobiography of Calvin Coolidge, University Press of the Pacific, Honolulu, Hawaii, 2004, p. 40.
[2] Morton Keller, In Defense of Yesterday: James M. Beck and the Politics of Conservatism, Coward-McCann, Inc., New York, 1958, p. 157.
[3] Melvin I. Urofsky, Louis A. Brandeis: A Life, Pantheon Books, New York, 2009, p. 592.
[4] Calvin Coolidge, “State of the Union Message, December 8, 1925,” The American Presidency Project, 2014, <http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=29566> accessed on March 25, 2014.
[5] Paul Moreno, The American State from the Civil War to the New Deal: The Twilight of Constitutionalism and the Triumph of Progressivism, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2013, p. 178.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Calvin Coolidge, “The Inspiration of the Declaration, July 5, 1926,” in Foundations of the Republic, University Press of the Pacific, Honolulu, Hawaii, 2004, p. 451.
[8] Calvin Coolidge, “Address before the Holy Name Society, Washington, D.C., September 21, 1924,” in Foundations of the Republic, University Press of the Pacific, Honolulu, Hawaii, 2004, p. 108.
[9] Calvin Coolidge, “Foreword,” in James M. Beck, The Constitution of the United States, George H. Doran Company, New York, 1924.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.
[12] L. John Van Til, “He Revered the Founders,” in Why Coolidge Matters: How Civility in Politics Can Bring a Nation Together, The National Notary Association, Chatsworth, California, 2010, p. 113.

 

John Hendrickson is a Research Analyst with Public Interest Institute.

 

LIMITS is one of our quarterly membership newsletters, arriving in March, June, September, and December. It consists of short articles and essays on protection of human rights by limiting the powers of government.

 

LIMITS is published by Public Interest Institute at Iowa Wesleyan College, a nonpartisan, nonprofit, research and educational institute, whose activities are supported by contributions from private individuals, corporations, companies, and foundations. The Institute does not accept government grants.

 

Contributions are tax-deductible under sections 501(c)(3) and 170 of the Internal Revenue Code.

 

Permission to reprint or copy in whole or part is granted, provided a version of this credit line is used: "Reprinted by permission from LIMITS, a quarterly newsletter of Public Interest Institute." The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and not necessarily those of Public Interest Institute.

 

If you have an article you believe is worth sharing, please send it to us. All or a portion of your article may be used. The articles in this publication are brought to you in the interest of a better-informed citizenry, because IDEAS DO MATTER.

   

 

All of our publications are available for sponsorship.  Sponsoring a publication is an excellent way for you to show your support of our efforts to defend liberty and define the proper role of government.  For more information, please contact Public Interest Institute at 319-385-3462 or e-mail us at Public.Interest.Institute@LimitedGovernment.org